There are cover-ups, and then thereโs whatever the British Government just pulled.
Imagine torching ยฃ7 ($9.4) billion of public money, risking 100,000 lives, creating an immigration scandal, and then, when the inevitable outrage starts to bubble, slapping a gag order on the entire country and pretending it never happened.
This is banana-republic behavior with better tailoring.
Because for nearly two years, a superinjunction, the kind usually deployed when a Premier League footballerโs pants have wandered off again, was used to silence journalists and the free press, gag Parliament, and stop the public from learning that the Ministry of Defence had done something catastrophically inept.
It began in August 2023 when journalist David Williams discovered that the Ministry of Defence had managed to leak the identities of 18,800 Afghans who had worked with British forces; drivers, and translators. Their families included, weโre talking about 100,000 people now, allegedly, squarely in the Talibanโs crosshairs. All because some bright spark couldnโt handle a spreadsheet.
Someone in Whitehall realized that explaining to the public how a government that wants to introduce digital IDs, biometric databases, and centralized health records, can’t even keep the data of war-zone informants safe might, just might, be a tough sell.
Now, in a functioning democracy, this is the point where the Government admits the error, apologizes profusely, and gets on with fixing the mess. But thatโs not what happened.
Instead, the Conservative Government went nuclear. It reached for a superinjunction. A legal instrument so secretive, that you canโt even mention that it exists. It’s the Voldemort of British law: he who must not be named, and also must not be reported on, discussed in Parliament, or even acknowledged in polite company.
Ever since the data hit the fan, ministers, hidden behind a wall of censorship so thick it could double as a North Korean border post, have been quietly orchestrating one of the largest peacetime migration missions in British history.
Not that they told the tax-paying public, of course. Or Parliament. Or anyone who wasnโt legally bound to pretend it wasnโt happening. They went full cloak-and-dagger; smuggling thousands of Afghans out of a collapsing country into Britain on taxpayer-funded flights, all while maintaining the straight-faced lie that nothing was going on.
So far, 18,500 people whose data was lost in the Ministry of Defenceโs catastrophic blunder have either arrived in Britain or are en route, stuffed into chartered jets the public paid for without being asked.
Another 5,400 are queued up to follow. Theyโre currently being housed in MoD homes or hotels on the taxpayerโs dime; another reason Prime Minister Keir Starmerโs government likely wanted to keep the superinjunction in place when he became Prime Minister, for fear of facing even more public backlash that he’s already receiving.
Letโs be clear about what this superinjunction did. It did more than ban journalists from publishing the truth. It prevented Parliament from talking about it. It made it illegal to reveal the existence of the order itself. For nearly two years, Britain was living under a state-sanctioned lie of omission. And the people who were gagged? The very ones tasked with holding power to account.
This is not typically how a democracy behaves. This is how a dodgy offshore bank operates, or a mid-tier dictatorship with delusions of grandeur. You do not, under any sane definition of a free society, get to blow ยฃ7 billion on a secret resettlement program and then deploy stealth censorship to bury the consequences of your own incompetence.
Yet thatโs precisely what happened. Justice Chamberlain, who heard the case in secret courtrooms, was reportedly stunned to learn that government officials were actively planning to lie to MPs. His actual words? โA very, very striking thing.โ For a High Court judge, thatโs basically incandescent rage.
Weโve now entered a world where the Government can simply decide that public interest isnโt, well, in the publicโs interest.
Superinjunctions, originally designed to stop tabloid editors from splashing scandal across page three, have become the Swiss Army knife of political embarrassment management.
And whatโs more disturbing is how quietly it all happened. No headlines. No debates. Just two years of eerie silence while the Government conducted one of the most politically expensive operations in modern British history.
โNever had I witnessed such an extraordinary scene in almost 30 years of reporting from the Press benches of the Royal Courts,โ wrote Daily Mail Chief Reporter Sam Greenhill, saying that the judge appeared โgenuinely incredulousโ that the government was โpreparing to actively deceive Parliament.โ
Here are the ways the British state just showed us it can gag, mislead, and trample liberty with a silk glove.
1. They Gag the Press from Reporting on Matters of Public Interest
The superinjunction wasnโt content only hiding the details of the MoDโs monumental data catastrophe. It forbade anyone from even acknowledging the gag existed. Thatโs reality control. Orwell wouldโve lit a cigarette and wept.
Journalists couldnโt report, editors couldnโt hint, and the public, the people paying for all this, were told nothing.
2. They Allow the Government to Mislead Parliament and the Public
With the press silenced, ministers had a field day spinning fantasy in the Commons. They deliberately concealed the fact they were moving thousands of Afghans into the country at a time when immigration is the number one concern of the public, according to polls.
Justice Chamberlain reportedly looked visibly disturbed in one secret hearing when officials revealed they were preparing to tell elected members of parliament something deliberately misleading. And what happened? Nothing. Courts nodded. Gag remained. Taxpayer rinsed. Democracy is treated like an inconvenient bump in the road.
3. They Bypass Democratic Oversight and Institutional Checks
Even Parliamentโs Intelligence and Security Committee, the people who are legally supposed to know about this stuff, were left out of the loop. The executive branch simply decided it didnโt need supervision anymore.
4. They Invert the Role of the Courts in a Free Society
Hereโs a fun twist. The courts, whose job is ostensibly to protect civil liberties, were used as the Governmentโs personal bodyguard, shielding ministers from embarrassment while throttling the press. Judicial robes turned into legal armor for executive cock-ups.
You expect judges to be the firewall between government overreach and public freedom. Instead, they were the gatekeepers of secrecy. The legal system was weaponized against the very people it was supposed to protect.
5. They Prioritize State Embarrassment Over Genuine Security
The DSMA Notice system, originally designed to stop hacks from leaking nuclear launch codes or troop movements, was activated because ministers were at risk of a bad headline. The real national emergency was a PR fallout.
6. They Threaten Journalistic Freedom and Chill Investigative Reporting
Journalists were legally strangled. Even as the Government later admitted these reporters had performed โa very necessary public service,โ they still tried to gag them for nearly two years.
7. They Contradict Liberal Democratic Principles
In case weโve all forgotten: in a liberal democracy, the Government is supposed to fear the press; not the other way around. Superinjunctions flip this on its head, creating a reality where public servants act like private oligarchs, hiding decisions that affect millions behind legal iron curtains.
8. The UK Lacks a Constitutional Free Speech Guarantee
Hereโs the tragic punchline: unlike the United States, where the First Amendment would treat a superinjunction like the bubonic plague, the UK has no constitutional protection for freedom of expression.
Which means when ministers decide to shove dissent into a sack and drown it in legalese, thereโs precious little the courts can do, or will do, to stop it.
9. They Undermine Public Debate on Critical Policy Decisions
This was a ยฃ7 billion migration program, carried out in total darkness. It involved flights, housing, free hotels, resource allocation, and massive public impact. And the public? Utterly excluded from the debate.
Worse still, when local tensions flared, including riots in towns housing migrants, no one could speak honestly about what was going on. Because honesty had been declared illegal.
10. They Establish a Dangerous Precedent for Future Censorship
And finally, the real horror: this worked. For nearly two years, the Government ran a secret, expensive, risky, and morally fraught operation, and got away with it. If this becomes the playbook for future crises, then weโve just pioneered censorship by precedent.
What began as an โemergency measureโ is now a neat little workaround for policy failure. Donโt want to answer for it? Slap a gag on it. Donโt want the public involved? Call it classified. Donโt want Parliament poking around? Say itโs under review and carry on spending.
Because now they know they can. And unless this entire fiasco sparks real reform, actual limits on injunctions, real free speech protections, and courts willing to rediscover their spines, they will do it again.
And once youโve seen a scandal like this dragged kicking and screaming into daylight, you canโt help but wonder: what else is being hidden behind velvet-curtained courtrooms and conveniently redacted memos?
If a multi-billion-pound operation involving national security, mass migration, and a catastrophic data breach can be buried for years under legal quicksand, what smaller disasters are quietly rotting in the dark?
How many other “narratives” have been quietly โmanagedโ into nonexistence while the public is spoon-fed whatever sanitized drivel passes the Cabinet Office sniff test?